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Sharyl Attkisson

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Sharyl Attkisson

U.S. spy agency hikes number of search queries of American calls, texts and emails

The annual disclosure from the U.S. intel community is out and it shows a dramatic rise in so-called "warrantless searches" of Americans' personal data in 2018.

The increase hasn't made big news in the national news media. But it's been noted and dissected in the tech press.

This follows previous huge increases in searches of sensitive data under the Obama administration during the 2016 campaign.

The collection and storage of the data of Americans by government spy agencies is controversial since U.S. citizens have privacy rights and constitutional protection from unreasonable search and seizure by the government.

National Security Agency (NSA) whistleblower Edward Snowden first revealed the extent to which the government was collecting data on tens of millions of Americans in 2013. It was a program that then-Director of National Intelligence James Clapper had denied the existence of under oath.

The purpose of the data collection is to intercept and catch foreign spies and terrorists. However, civil rights groups have long worried that bad actors in the intelligence community or political agents could misuse the data collection tools for nefarious purposes.

Engadget writes that the government's warrantless searches jumped 28 percent in 2018 over the year before.

National Security Agency (NSA) warrantless search queries of Americans' calls, texts and emails

2015: 4,672

2017: 7,512

2018: 9,637

--Engadget analysis of Director of National Intelligence report

Engadget also reports "the NSA monitored the communication of an estimated 164,770 foreign individuals or groups in 2018, compared to 129,080 in 2017. As TechCrunch reports, that marks the largest year-over-year increase in foreign surveillance. In 2013, the NSA monitored the communication of just 89,138 foreigners."

Read the Engadget story at the link below:

https://www.engadget.com/2019/04/30/nsa-warrantless-searches-american-data-2018/

Check out the intelligence community report yourself at the link below:

https://www.dni.gov/files/CLPT/documents/2019_ASTR_for_CY2018.pdf

Attkisson v. DOJ/FBI for government computer intrusions: Petition for full panel hearing

I'm grateful to the privacy, civil rights and whistleblower advocates who are assisting this landmark case through the Attkisson 4th Amendment Litigation Fund. Since the Justice Department will not hold its own accountable for the forensically-proven government computer intrusions, the only option is a self-funded, uphill battle in civil court.

Below is the newly-filed petition asking for a full Appellate panel hearing of the case.

INTRODUCTION

This case strikes at the heart of American democracy itself.  Sharyl Attkisson, a veteran award-winning journalist, JA121-22, alleges that federal officials hacked into her family’s computer systems without a warrant shortly after Attkisson produced news stories for CBS that relied on confidential government informants.  Significantly, this is no mere speculative allegation.  The Complaint—the facts of which must be taken as true at this stage of litigation—provides twenty-four pages of factual allegations, including allegations based on reports of expert computer forensic analysts, establishing both that her computer systems were in fact infiltrated and that the infiltration derived from government-controlled IP addresses.  JA 130-34.  Accordingly, just as in Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents of Fed. Bureau of Narcotics, 403 U.S. 388 (1971), Attkisson sues government officials who, she contends, conducted illegal searches in violation of the Fourth Amendment as well as the Electronic Communications Privacy Act (“ECPA”), see 18 U.S.C. § 2511(1)(a) (2018). 

As in Bivens, Attkisson cannot yet identify the names of all the agents involved because that information is uniquely held by the Government.  Thus, again as in Bivens, she needs discovery to identify the individual defendants.  However, over four years of litigation, the Government has repeatedly stonewalled.  First, the Government has refused even to accept service of process for the unidentified agents, amazingly using a Kafkaesque and circular argument that service is not possible until the Attkissons have actually identified the defendants, which of course they have no way of doing without discovery.  Second, the Government has continually refused to turn over any documents or allow any depositions designed to help determine the identity of those agents.  Third, to the extent that the Attkissons have identified two agency heads—defendants Holder and Donahoe—who plausibly were involved in ordering the illegal intrusions, the Government has asserted numerous legal impediments to the claims against those individuals.  

In short, the Government argues that the federal officials who are named cannot be sued and the officials who are unnamed cannot be served with process, and no discovery is possible with regard to any of them, even if only to identify the unnamed officials.  Such government obstruction cannot be rewarded.  Yet, the panel’s Decision—with one judge dissenting in principal part—effectively blessed the Government’s intransigence, providing a playbook for the Government to escape accountability in future cases.    

The Decision is contrary to both Circuit and Supreme Court precedent in multiple respects.  Further, the Decision will make it nearly impossible, as a practical matter, for any plaintiff to bring suit for unlawful government surveillance because, by the very nature of such surveillance, the plaintiff will rarely if ever be able to identify the individual wrongdoers without access to adequate discovery.  

These errors, as well as the significance of the case, require panel rehearing or en banc reconsideration.

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

The panel’s Decision is wrong for three principal reasons.

First, the panel wrongly held that the Attkissons’ Fourth Amendment Bivens claim against Defendants Holder and Donahoe is not cognizable.  The Supreme Court’s decision in Ziglar v. Abbasi, 137 S. Ct. 1843 (2017), emphatically reaffirmed that Bivens and cases like it remain good law and that complaints raising individual Bivens-like claims for monetary damages remain permissible.  And although Ziglar refused to extend Bivens to new contexts, none of the concerns animating Ziglar is present here.  Therefore, the panel’s Decision wrongly interprets Ziglar and eviscerates Bivens, while conflicting with at least one other circuit.   

Second, also with regard to Holder and Donahoe, the panel unjustifiably—and probably unintentionally—expanded the qualified immunity doctrine by invoking it to avoid ruling on a disputed statutory provision in the ECPA.  However, because the disputed provision only addressed the remedy for wrongdoing and not the wrongfulness of the underlying act itself, qualified immunity is inappropriate.  Thus, the Decision, if allowed to stand, will improperly extend qualified immunity to a whole new category of cases, even when defendants violate clearly established law.

Fight government overreach and double-standard justice by supporting the Attkisson Fourth Amendment Litigation Fund for Attkisson v. DOJ and FBI for the government computer intrusions. Click here.

Third, as to the unnamed John Does, the panel majority affirmed the District Court’s dismissal on grounds neither mentioned in the opinion below nor in any of the briefs filed on appeal.  According to the majority, the claims against the John Does, though legally cognizable, were nevertheless properly dismissed under FRCP 41(b) and 4(m) because the Attkissons failed to identify the John Does during the brief three-week window for discovery provided by the District Court and have therefore also failed to serve them with process.  Yet, in a case alleging unlawful government surveillance, information regarding the identity of the John Does is uniquely held by the Government.  Moreover, despite multiple discovery requests over four years of litigation, the Government has never produced a single document nor allowed a single deposition focused on identifying the John Does.  Thus, it is a cruel joke for the majority to invoke Rules 41(b) and 4(m), blame the Attkissons for failure to identify the John Does, and take the draconian step of dismissing the entire case.  In addition, the majority opinion conflicts with Circuit precedent requiring a four-factor analysis before dismissing under Rule 41(b) and permitting dismissal for failure to identify a John Doe defendant only when that defendant cannot be identified through discovery.

ARGUMENT

  1. The Dismissal Of The Bivens Claims Against Holder And Donahoe Improperly Interprets Supreme Court Precedent And Conflicts With Decisions Of Other Courts.

The Attkissons’ Fourth Amendment claim is simply Bivens for the digital age.  The Bivens complaint alleged that a group of unidentified FBI agents, acting under claim of federal authority, entered an apartment and conducted a warrantless search without probable cause.  Similarly, the Attkissons contend that a group of federal agents, likewise acting under federal authority, entered their computer systems through electronic means and conducted warrantless surveillance.  

The panel interpreted the Supreme Court’s decision in Ziglar to block such a claim against defendants Holder and Donahoe.  However, the panel misreads Ziglar.

Ziglar emphatically reaffirmed that Bivens remains good law and that complaints raising individual Bivens-like claims for monetary damages remain cognizable.  Indeed, the Court was explicit, stating that “this opinion is not intended to cast doubt on the continued force, or even the necessity, of Bivens in the search-and-seizure context in which it arose.”  Ziglar, 137 S. Ct. at 1856.  And although Ziglar resisted efforts to extend Bivens beyond its core contexts, none of the new contexts the Court mentioned were Fourth Amendment suits.  See id. at 1857.  

Moreover, none of the concerns animating Ziglar is present here.  First, Ziglar was a large-scale challenge to U.S. detention policy on behalf of hundreds of inmates.  Second, the complaint in Ziglar implicated national security policies instituted at the highest levels of the Executive Branch after the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001.  Third, the Ziglar complaint sought broad-based institutional reform through an injunction that would change federal detention policy.  

Unlike Ziglar, the Attkissons’ claim is an individual challenge to a specific incident of government misconduct committed by one or a small number of federal officials.  In such circumstances, a successful Bivens action would in no way involve the Judicial Branch in second-guessing large Executive Branch policies as Ziglar would have.  

In addition, the Attkissons’ Complaint does not challenge broad issues of national security policy, as Ziglar did.  Significantly, this is not a case challenging the Government’s overall policy of trying to identify or prosecute those who leak confidential governmental information.  Instead, the Attkissons’ sole concern is the specific infiltration of their computer systems to conduct warrantless surveillance.  That infiltration, unless somehow justified, is simply an unconstitutional search; no broad policy question need be resolved, and no large-scale national security question is at stake.  

Finally, the Attkissons seek monetary damages just like the Bivens plaintiff.  Thus, this is not an institutional reform case like Ziglar requesting an injunction to effect broad policy change.  It simply seeks compensation for a specific violation of clearly established Fourth Amendment rights.

The panel, in its Ziglar analysis, relied heavily on the fact that the Attkissons’ Complaint names high-ranking government officials, in addition to the sort of lower-level federal agents who were the defendants in Bivens itself.  Yet, although the Attkissons’ Complaint does name the former heads of two agencies, Holder and Donahoe, those individuals are not being sued based on general policy decisions they may have made, but only to the extent that either or both individuals specifically ordered or permitted the unlawful infiltration of the Attkissons’ computer systems.  Thus, although the Ziglar Court noted that the rank of the defendants could be seen as a meaningful extension of Bivens, that would only be in a case like Ziglar itself, where the high-ranking officials made discretionary policy decisions that are essentially being second-guessed through litigation.  Here, no such policy decisions are at issue.  

Finally, the panel relied in part on the possible existence of other statutory remedies as a reason not to allow the Attkissons’ claim.  Although Ziglar noted that those plaintiffs might have other avenues to address their detention claims, here the only likely alternative statutory possibilities are the ECPA or the Federal Tort Claims Act (“FTCA”).  Yet, the panel dismissed the Attkissons’ ECPA claims against Holder and Donahoe as well, so it is disingenuous to say that the ECPA provides a viable alternative.  And the Supreme Court has explicitly rejected the idea that the FTCA constitutes an adequate substitute for Bivens.  Carlson v. Green, 446 U.S. 14, 15 (1980) (“[T]he Bivens remedy, being recoverable against individuals, is a more effective deterrent than the FTCA remedy against the United States.”).  

In short, the Attkissons’ Complaint simply presents a specific fact-bound application of clearly established Fourth Amendment jurisprudence.  Nothing about the case extends Bivens to a novel context, nor does the Complaint implicate the sort of separation-of-powers concerns that animated Ziglar.  Further, the Attkissons seek only monetary damages arising from a particular infiltration of their computer systems.  No broader injunction or institutional reform is sought.  Thus, this is at heart the same suit as Bivens itself. 

This Circuit has not yet interpreted Ziglar outside the very different context of immigration enforcement, where deference to Executive Branch discretion is at its zenith.  See Tun-Cos v. Perrotte, 2019 WL 1867819 (4th Cir. April 26, 2019).  However, the Ninth Circuit has ruled that even extending Bivens to new contexts is justifiable under Ziglar if the claim concerns an “individual instance[] of . . . law enforcement overreach,” rather than a challenge to broader Executive Branch policies.  Rodriguez v. Swartz,899 F.3d 719, 745 (9th Cir. 2018) (quoting Ziglar, 137 S. Ct. at 1862); see also Lanuza v. Love, 899 F.3d 1019, 1028-30 (9th Cir. 2018).  Likewise, some lower courts applying Ziglar have drawn precisely the distinctions described above: discrete violations of clearly established rights that have previously been recognized as cognizable Bivens claims can still proceed, while broad claims seeking new changes to Executive Branch policy cannot.  See, e.g., Jerra v. United States, No. 2:12-cv-01907-ODW, 2018 WL 1605563, at *6 (C.D. Cal. Mar. 29, 2018), appeal filed sub nom. Jerra v. Magana, No. 18-55678, 2018 WL 1605563 (9th Cir. May 25, 2018); McLean v. Gutierrez, No. 15-275-RGK, 2017 WL 6887309, at *18-19 (C.D. Cal. Sept. 28, 2017). 

Fight improper government surveillance. Support Attkisson v. DOJ and FBI over the government computer intrusions of Attkisson's work while she was a CBS News investigative correspondent. Visit the Attkisson Fourth Amendment Litigation Fund. Click here.

As in these cases, the Attkissons’ claim is only an individual allegation of government overreach by law enforcement officials, making it easily distinguishable from Ziglar.  Thus, the Fourth Circuit, in accord with these decisions, should recognize that Ziglar does not prevent individual core Bivens unlawful search claims from proceeding.

  1. The Panel Improperly And Without Explanation Extended Qualified Immunity To An Entirely New Category Of Cases.

The ECPA makes it unlawful to “intentionally intercept[], endeavor[] to intercept, or procure[] any other person to intercept or endeavor to intercept, any wire, oral, or electronic communication.”  18 U.S.C. § 2511(1)(a).  The Attkissons’ Complaint alleged a violation of Section 2511(1)(a), both by those government officials who directly infiltrated the Attkissons’ computer systems and those who procured others to do so.  JA 148.  Although the Government agreed that the ECPA makes both direct infiltrators and procurers liable under this provision, the parties disagreed as to whether a subsequent amendment to a different ECPA provision removed a private right of action against procurers only.  See Fed. Appellees Brief at 25-28. 

The panel did not resolve this question, ruling that in light of the statutory ambiguity the defendants were entitled to qualified immunity.  Decision at 30-32.  However, it is both unambiguous and undisputed that Section 2511(1)(a) makes it unlawful to procure others to violate the ECPA.  Thus, the unlawfulness of the act was clearly established for qualified immunity purposes.  

Harlow v. Fitzgerald,457 U.S. 800 (1982), held that “government officials performing discretionary functions generally are shielded from liability for civil damages insofar as their conduct does not violate clearly established statutory or constitutional rights of which a reasonable person would have known.”  Id. at 818.  Significantly, Harlow speaks of conduct that violates clearly established rights, but makes no mention at all of the existence or non-existence of remedies.  

This distinction is crucial given the purpose of qualified immunity.  The doctrine shields governmental officials when they make discretionary judgments if the underlying legality of those judgments is ambiguous.  The focus is properly on whether the act of the governmental official is or is not clearly unlawful.  Nowhere does the doctrine address whether the unlawful behavior happens to give rise to any particular cause of action.  Indeed, if a government official knows an act is unlawful, it should not matter what the possible consequences of breaking the law might be; if the official violated clearly established law, then qualified immunity is unjustified.   

Accordingly, the panel decision, perhaps unwittingly, expands the qualified immunity doctrine to give defendants immunity even if they commit a clear statutory offense, so long as it can be argued that the offense might possibly not provide a private right of action.  Such an expansion, particularly undertaken without any explanation or justification, is improper.  

  1. The Panel’s Rule 41(b) And 4(m) Dismissal Of The Claims Against The John Doe Defendants Is Inconsistent With Circuit Caselaw And Undermines Both Bivens Itself And The Future Viability Of Suits Against Government Officials In Surveillance Cases. 

Plaintiffs alleging that government officials secretly searched their home or infiltrated their computer systems will almost never know the names of those agents before litigation.  Thus, Bivens contemplates—and all federal courts allow—suits against unnamed John Doe officials whose identities are not yet known.  

Regardless of how the Ziglar or qualified immunity issues discussed above are resolved as to Holder and Donahoe, it is undisputed that both the Bivens and ECPA claims are cognizable against any John Doe agents who unlawfully infiltrated the Attkissons’ computer systems.  Therefore, since the beginning of litigation, the Attkissons have been trying to obtain information regarding the identity of these agents.  Yet, over four years of attempts, the Government has never accepted service of process regarding the John Does nor provided any discovery that would help identify the agents involved.  

Instead of remanding to provide opportunity for meaningful discovery, the panel majority distorts Rules 41(b) and 4(m) beyond recognition, inventing rationales for dismissing the case by blaming the plaintiffs for not pursuing discovery assiduously enough.  As the dissent points out, this approach is contrary to Fourth Circuit precedent and would make it nearly impossible ever to pursue a case against the Government for unlawful surveillance.  Thus, dismissal of the claims against the John Doe defendants, either with or without prejudice, is unjustified and dangerously tilts the scales of civil litigation in favor of defendants, who often will be uniquely in possession of the information the plaintiff needs to pursue a case.

Both this Circuit and other circuits have frequently warned that dismissals under Rule 41(b) are reserved for only the most egregious instances of litigant intransigence.  See Decision at 66 (Wynn J., concurring in part and dissenting in part) (citing cases).  Because Rule 41(b) dismissals, by their nature, deprive plaintiffs of a meaningful opportunity to pursue their claims, such dismissals “must be tempered by a careful exercise of judicial discretion.”  Reizakis v. Loy, 490 F.2d 1132, 1135 (4th Cir. 1974) (internal quotation omitted); see also Davis v. Williams, 588 F.2d 69, 70 (4th Cir. 1978) (Rule 41(b) dismissal is a “harsh sanction which should not be invoked lightly.”).  

Under Hillig v. C.I.R., 916 F.2d 171 (4th Cir. 1990): 

This Circuit requires that the trial court consider four factors before dismissing a case for failure to prosecute: (1) the plaintiff’s degree of personal responsibility; (2) the amount of prejudice caused the defendant; (3) the presence of a drawn out history of deliberately proceeding in a dilatory fashion; and (4) the effectiveness of sanctions less drastic than dismissal.

Id. at 174 (emphasis added).

The majority acknowledges that the District Court never even mentioned Rule 41(b) or Hillig in any of its dismissal decisions below, much less analyzed any of the four Hillig factors.  Decision at 33-35.  And the majority likewise fails to fully analyze these factors.  Instead, the majority ignores Hillig’s explicit language that this Circuit requires analysis of the four factors and replaces that requirement with a vague statement that courts should conduct a context-dependent review of all the circumstances.  Id. at 35 n.9.  Yet, although any Rule 41(b) analysis obviously must be context-dependent, Hillig mandates at least some analysis of those four factors, no matter how context-dependent that analysis might be.  The majority cannot wish Hillig away by fiat without an en banc determination of this Court.

As the dissent points out, failure of the District Court to apply the Hillig test itself amounts to abuse of discretion.  See Decision at 67 (Wynn J., concurring in part and dissenting in part) (citing cases).  In addition, had the District Court (or the panel majority) properly considered the Hillig factors, a Rule 41(b) dismissal would not have been warranted.  First, there is no evidence that the Attkissons had any degree of personal responsibility for their attorney’s purported failure to comply with the court’s order.  Second, any prejudice arising from the passage of time is attributable principally to the Government’s repeated efforts to delay and resist any discovery.  Third, the record belies any finding that Attkisson engaged in “a drawn out history of deliberately proceeding in a dilatory fashion.”  Hillig, 916 F.2d at 174.  On the contrary, the Attkissons have repeatedly sought discovery to identify the Doe defendants and have faced largely successful resistance from the Government at every turn.  Even on the majority’s own telling, Decision at 22, the only window the plaintiffs actually received for discovery was twenty-three days, during which time the Government did not respond to document requests and did not make witnesses available for discovery, despite the plaintiffs’ attorney’s efforts to schedule them.  Finally, many less drastic remedies were available, such as denying further leave to amend the complaint to add new defendants or causes of action.  

The majority opinion is also contrary to this Circuit’s decision in Schiff v. Kennedy, 691 F.2d 196, 198 (4th Cir. 1982).  Under Schiff, plaintiffs’ inability to identify defendants, standing alone, is insufficient to justify dismissal.  To the contrary, Schiff, following Bivens itself, determined that the mere failure to name a defendant could not justify dismissal and reversed the district court on that ground.  Recognizing that trial judges need leeway to manage their dockets, the court allowed for dismissal “if it does not appear that the true identity of an unnamed party can be discovered through discovery or through intervention by the court.”  Id.  But because the John Doe in Schiff was a person whose identity was known only to the defendant, dismissal of the plaintiff’s claim for failure to identify that individual was rejected.  Id. at 197-98.  

The majority misreads Schiff to defer to the district court in determining whether dismissal is permitted even when the identity of a John Doe is ascertainable.  See Decision at 40.  According to the majority, because the court in Schiff ultimately remanded for the trial judge to decide whether the case could proceed, that means the language in the opinion about the John Doe was optional, not mandatory.  But the Schiff court only remanded for consideration of whether the case might be dismissed on other grounds.  Schiff, 691 F.2d at 198.  The court firmly rejected the idea that the judge could simply dismiss because the John Doe had not yet been identified.  Not surprisingly, other courts of appeal have read Schiff’s language as mandatory and made clear that dismissing a claim against John Does is only appropriate if the identity of the John Does cannot be discovered.  See, e.g.,Roper v. Grayson, 81 F.3d 124, 126 (10th Cir. 1996); Munz v. Parr, 758 F.2d 1254, 1257 (8th Cir. 1985); see also Davis v. Kelly, 160 F.3d 917, 921 (2d Cir. 1998) (collecting cases taking approach similar to Schiff); Gillespie v. Civiletti, 629 F.2d 637, 642 (9th Cir. 1980) (dismissal inappropriate “unless it is clear that discovery would not uncover the identities” of the John Does).  As the Seventh Circuit has recognized, this approach “is implicit in the many cases, most famously Bivens, that take for granted the right of a plaintiff to sue unknown injurers.”  Billman v. Ind. Dep’t of Corr., 56 F.3d 785, 789 (7th Cir. 1995) (citation omitted).  Thus, the majority’s distortion of Schiff potentially runs afoul of Bivens itself and certainly requires panel rehearing or en banc review.

Finally, dismissal under Rule 4(m) is unwarranted—and frankly cruel—because the only reason the John Does have not been served is that the Government has refused service of process until the John Does are named individually and have refused to provide any discovery that would allow the Attkissons to name them!  Surely, whatever the “good cause” exception in Rule 4(m) encompasses, this should fall within it.

In the end, there is no justification for dismissing a plausible complaint by a plaintiff when that plaintiff cannot achieve meaningful discovery from an intransigent defendant despite repeated attempts to do so.  Even more disturbing, the panel Decision effectively blesses the Government’s efforts to successfully stonewall any plaintiff who alleges unlawful Government surveillance.  As the dissent points out, “[u]nder the government’s playbook—which the district court effectively endorsed—plaintiffs would be deprived all opportunity to challenge the legality of most, if not all, these electronic surveillance efforts, notwithstanding the significant intrusion on individual rights posed by such surveillance.”  Decision at 71-72 (Wynn, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part).

CONCLUSION

Panel rehearing or rehearing en banc is warranted.

Respectfully Submitted,

Professor Paul Schiff Berman

Walter S. Cox Professor of Law

The George Washington University Law School

Professor Paul Schiff Berman

9 Hesketh Street

Chevy Chase, MD. 20815

Fight improper government surveillance. Support Attkisson v. DOJ and FBI over the government computer intrusions of Attkisson's work while she was a CBS News investigative correspondent. Visit the Attkisson Fourth Amendment Litigation Fund. Click here.


Shades of Grey: A disturbing follow up to our story on allegedly false sex charges

The accuser who claimed she was raped by liberal PR pro Trevor FitzGibbon (above) has now retracted her allegations. But where does FitzGibbon go to get his reputation back?

The accuser "retracts and withdraws" her statements against the man she accused: Trevor FitzGibbon.

When we reported our Full Measure cover story "Shades of Grey," we explained the risk of how the #MeToo environment can be weaponized. Dishonest figures can accuse their enemies of sexual abuse and hope that "they will be believed," as victims, with few questions asked.

In our story, we profiled the story of the liberal public relations agent Trevor FitzGibbon.

Fight improper government surveillance. Support Attkisson v. DOJ and FBI over the government computer intrusions of Attkisson's work while she was a CBS News investigative correspondent. Visit the Attkisson Fourth Amendment Litigation Fund. Click here.

FitzGibbon claimed he was falsely accused of rape as part of a large smear campaign, possibly to controversialize him for his support of Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton, and also for his representation of entities some on the left targeted, such as WikiLeaks, Julian Assange and Bradley (later Chelsea) Manning.

Trevor FitzGibbon was smeared by sex allegations that were never prosecuted, just like his client, Julian Assange; and WikiLeaks associate Jacob Applebaum.

FitzGibbon, like Julian Assange, was hit with sex accusations yet never prosecuted. The accusations came after internal documents from a government contractor showed an organized campaign to target and controversialize Assange, WikiLeaks and those associated with the group.

FitzGibbon admitted sexual contact with Radack, but claimed it was a consensual affair. He turned over to police sexually explicit photos and text messages she allegedly sent to him. He also eventually sued Radack (who declined our interview request due to the pending litigation).

FitzGibbon alleged that he and Radack had a consensual relationship. He produced photos and text message to police and in court.

The charges against FitzGibbon, a relative unknown, were oddly picked up by international news outlets such as The New York Times, Huffington Post, The Guardian, The Washington Post and other liberal publications that are often "on narrative," such as The Nation, Slate and Medium.

Fitzgibbon says that as a result of the publicity branding him as a criminal or predator, his reputation was destroyed and he lost his business and his career opportunities.

Now, an interesting development.

On Friday, Radack issued a retraction of "every allegation" she has " ever made against Fitzgibbon."

Watch the original Full Measure report at the link below:

http://fullmeasure.news/news/cover-story/shades-of-grey-07-24-2018

Below is a transcript of our original Full Measure report:

From the fall of Hollywood’s Harvey Weinstein to the political demise of New York Attorney General Eric Schneiderman, there’s no shortage of sexual abuse allegations against famous men. The MeToo movement has liberated women to talk about long-tolerated misconduct. But it’s also led to whispers about the grey area between improper harassment and criminal assault. And questions about whether it’s now easier for people to get smeared by unproven — or even false— allegations. Today’s cover story is: Shades of Grey.

FitzGibbon: If you’ve got two believable stories, you’ve got— you can take anybody down.

Trevor FitzGibbon claims it happened to him. His story begins in December 2015, when he ran his own progressive PR firm and got a fateful call from his company’s vice president.

FitzGibbon: He said, “You have a problem.” And I said, “What's wrong?” He said, “Well, in the past 48 hours, H.R. has gotten six phone calls all accusing you of sexual harassment.” And my heart kind of fell.

Before that call, FitzGibbon had angered some fellow liberals for his support of Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton and for representing clients connected to WikiLeaks. He represented Bradley Manning— who passed classified materials to WikiLeaks. Edward Snowden— the government whistleblower WikiLeaks once helped. The journalist Snowden leaked to: Glenn Greenwald And he represented WikiLeaks and its founder Julian Assange. The WikiLeaks connection will come into play later. FitzGibbon says after the HR phone call, before he even knew who his accusers were, they had gone to the national press.

FitzGibbon: And it's really interesting to see the Huffington Post because at first they say it was harassment. A few hours later it was assault. And then, that got spun into rape culture.

Inside of 2 weeks— FitzGibbon’s staff had turned on him, his company shut down. With help from feminist lawyer Gloria Allred, three women filed criminal complaints. One of them, attorney Jesselyn Radack, claimed FitzGibbon— “touched her breast” against her will, then days later, when she met up with him at a hotel, raped her.

FitzGibbon: It was 100 percent consensual.

Sharyl: You did have sexual relations with her?

FitzGibbon: Yes but that was 100 percent consensual.

Here’s where shades of grey color the picture. FitzGibbon admits to “inappropriate behavior” toward female employees, and to cheating on his wife with Radack, but nothing criminal. Evidence he gave prosecutors included friendly sexual text messages and photos allegedly sent by Radack before and after the alleged assaults.

FitzGibbon: Text messages, photos that she sent me after the first alleged assault took place. And then afterwards, being very happy.

After reviewing the text messages and conducting a lengthy investigation, prosecutors “declined to file criminal charges.”

Sharyl: So for a year you lived under the cloud of possible prosecution for rape?

FitzGibbon: Yes.

Sharyl: And what happened in that timeframe to you?

FitzGibbon: I couldn't defend myself in the press. I was vilified in the national media and on social media and the accusers— and whatever political machine came after me— used it to poison the water to make it almost impossible for me to get work.

Sharyl: You lost your business.

FitzGibbon: I lost the business, lost my home.

Attorney Nicole Smith defends companies against sexual harassment claims and isn’t connected to FitzGibbon’s case. She says the current environment can breed confusion and even false allegations.

Smith: “Me too” movement is phenomenal, but it also is a catchphrase for conduct that really, is every scope of any kind of allegation from a slight that someone might feel that they had been disrespected to actual criminal conduct. So couching all of that conduct in one term is difficult then when you try and unravel individual claims.

Some victims’ advocates say accusers should automatically be believed. The recent conviction of entertainer Bill Cosby for allegations that were 14 years old seemed to make the case. But it’s not always cut and dry.

Sharyl: Are you finding that in this environment of “women should be believed” that there is a downside?

Smith: So often in these cases, I think what we're faced with is it's a “He Said, She Said” thing. There's not a lot of witnesses, if any, ever present. So to say that you're just always going to believe the woman really doesn't get us anywhere.

It may also open the possibility that accusations can be weaponized to smear a target for hidden motives. FitzGibbon began to suspect he was the target of a smear right after it was announced he wouldn’t be charged yet he was attacked in a national press release.

FitzGibbon: And that press release was a letter signed by 72 national organizations pledging to never hire me or work with me again.

Sharyl: What did you think of when you saw that?

FitzGibbon: It was one of the first times that I realized that something else is at play.

He’d sold his house, was split from his wife and children, including infant twins and was too discredited to find work. FitzGibbon now thinks powerful people may have come after him because of his PR work for enemies of the mainstream Democratic party and the stateincluding WikiLeaks. In 2016, WikiLeaks published embarrassing insider emails of Hillary Clinton officials and the Democratic National Committee, and WikiLeaks was accused of working with Russia and being pro-Trump. There’s little doubt there are powerful efforts to smear WikiLeaks and its supporters. Government contractors circulated this dossier in 2010, a wide-ranging strategy to combat “The WikiLeaks Threat,” to “sabotage or discredit” WikiLeaks supporters using “social media exploitation” and “disinformation.”

FitzGibbon: It shows the photos and the names of the individuals that were supportive of WikiLeaks or worked with WikiLeaks

Sharyl: And the PR documents specifically discussed going after these people.

FitzGibbon: Ways to discredit to target to smear them.

Several targets were FitzGibbons’ clients. Two were discredited by sex claims alleged in the media but never prosecuted just like FitzGibbon. WikiLeaks’ Assange and a key associate Jacob Appelbaum. With Assange, two women told a journalist that consensual sex with him when he was in Sweden for a speech, turned into rape. A rape investigation hung over his head for seven years—before it was dropped last year. Anonymous accusers started a website to publicly accuse Appelbaum of groping and rape. He was forced out of his job, but also never charged. In the end, a smear campaign can often take advantage of the uncertainty surrounding a case of 'he said she said.' And that’s the problem. FitzGibbon asked a lawyers’ disciplinary body to punish Radack for alleged false allegations. They declined, saying the “question was close” but “The truth about what occurred in private is sometimes hard to prove.” Even if someone isn't ultimately prosecuted, they may find they’re tainted just because this aura of inappropriateness or criminality lingers over them regardless of what the outcome is in the court of law.

Smith: And the costs that they incur, obviously representing themselves in that proceeding.

Sharyl: Did you do any of these things— any of these things that the women said you did?

Fitzgibbon: In regards to being flirtatious?

Sharyl: Anything that they said was inappropriate?

Fitzgibbon: You know, I'll say this. I was accused of assault and I was accused of first degree assault which is rape. And I didn't do any of that.

Fight improper government surveillance. Support Attkisson v. DOJ and FBI over the government computer intrusions of Attkisson's work while she was a CBS News investigative correspondent. Visit the Attkisson Fourth Amendment Litigation Fund. Click here.


When media narratives became more important than facts

The following is an excerpt of my article in Epoch Times.

The day that I told CBS News I wished to leave my job as investigative correspondent ahead of my contract, I didn’t give a reason. I didn’t see the point because the problem wasn’t fixable.

Nor was it isolated to CBS News.

My own take is that—as our industry has changed in ways that have become undeniable to most—I was a bit of the canary in the coal mine. By that, I mean I believe I was among the first to really pay attention to the increasingly effective operations to shape and censor news—the movements to establish narratives rather than follow facts—and to see the growing influence of smear operations, political interests, and corporate interests on the news.

It’s not that I’m smarter than my peers, and I’m surely far less smart than many, but my particular brand of off-narrative reporting happened to draw the intense attention of the smear operators and propagandists, so I began to study it.

A case in point: the smear that was promulgated when I left CBS. It was often incorrectly reported that I told CBS management I was quitting due to liberal media bias. That false story turned out to be convenient for both political sides, and largely survives today. It simply wasn’t rooted in fact. And I don’t recall reporters even asking me whether it was true. Once a few articles reported that it was, others simply copied the claim and adopted it as if established fact, eventually without attribution. Now there would be no point in trying to clarify it. After all, Wikipedia says it’s true. No going back from that.

Powerful smear groups and certain interests—including some within CBS at the time—started the narrative that I was “conservative,” not because they necessarily believed it, but as a tool to “controversialize” the reporting I was doing that was contrary to powerful interests. The idea is that if I can be portrayed as a partisan, then my reporting can be more easily dismissed. (Continued)

Read the rest of the article at Epoch Times by clicking the link below:

https://www.theepochtimes.com/what-my-leaving-cbs-news-revealed-about-the-news-industry_2901934.html

Fight government overreach and double-standard justice by supporting the Attkisson Fourth Amendment Litigation Fund for Attkisson v. DOJ and FBI for the government computer intrusions. Click here.

Unaccompanied children entering U.S. are usually released into custody of illegal immigrants already here

An eye-opening report on what happens to "unaccompanied children" or "UAC" after they cross the border into the United States.

Andrew Arthur with the Center for Immigration Studies highlights statistics showing where most of these children are placed once in the U.S.:

Generally, most [Unaccompanied Minors] are released to a parent or other family member in this country, the majority of whom do not have lawful status in the United States.

--Andrew Arthur, Center for Immigration Studies

Arthur cites statistics made public by Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wisconsin.

  • Between July 2018 and January 2019, 23,445 UACs were released to sponsors.
  • Of those sponsors, 18,459 (79%) had no status in the U.S.
  • 21 were under final orders from removal.
  • Six were denied asylum and were appealing to federal court.
  • 638 (3%) were in removal proceedings.

Below are excerpts from Arthur's findings. The entire report can be read here.

Flawed U.S. laws and policies encourage UACs to make that trip to the United States, and encourage the parents and other relatives of those UACs to pay criminal organizations to bring them to this country. In particular, [under the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2008 (TVPRA)], the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) is required to turn all of those UACs from non-contiguous countries (that is every country other than Canada and Mexico) over to the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) in the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) within 48 hours of the point at which they were identified as UACs, for prompt placement in the least restrictive setting "that is in the best interest of the child". In FY 2018, the average UAC spent 60 days in an ORR shelter before being released.

There is strong evidence to support the conclusion that many, if not most, of these sponsors are the ones who are paying the smugglers to bring these UACs to the United States. For example, consider the order of Judge Andrew Hanen of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Texas in U.S. v. Nava-Martinez, in which the defendant was convicted of smuggling a Salvadoran minor to the United States:

This is the fourth case with the same factual situation this Court has had in as many weeks. In all the cases, human traffickers who smuggled minor children were apprehended short of delivering the children to their ultimate destination. In all cases, a parent, if not both parents, of the children was in this country illegally. That parent initiated the conspiracy to smuggle the minors into the country illegally. He or she also funded the conspiracy. In each case, the DHS completed the criminal conspiracy, instead of enforcing the laws of the United States, by delivering the minors into the custody of the parent living illegally in the United States. In response to this Court's inquiry about this policy in the instant case, the Government responded with a copy of the 1997 Flores v. Reno ... settlement agreement and a copy of a portion of the Homeland Security Act. No other explanation was offered — no doubt because there is no explanation. The DHS has simply chosen not to enforce the United States' border security laws.

According to U.S. Customs and Border Protection statistics, through March 2019, 35,898 UACs have been apprehended by the U.S. Border Patrol entering the United States illegally in the first six months of FY 2019. That compares to 50,036 in all of FY 2018, and 41,435 in FY 2017.

Fight improper government surveillance. Support Attkisson v. DOJ and FBI over the government computer intrusions of Attkisson's work while she was a CBS News investigative correspondent. Visit the Attkisson Fourth Amendment Litigation Fund. Click here.

"Putin wins the Mueller sweepstakes"

Reporter John Solomon has covered the Department of Justice (DOJ) for three decades during "some of Washington’s biggest scandals (Iran-Contra, Whitewater, impeachment), prosecutors’ biggest triumphs (the Unabomber case) and the FBI’s biggest missteps (the lab scandal and pre-Sept.11 intelligence failures)."

Solomon says that Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s "397 pages of prose and 50-plus pages of attachments stand in stark contrast to DOJ rules mandating that a prosecutor not use grand jury and other evidence to besmirch a suspect who was never charged.”

Read Solomon’s full opinion piece at The Hill by clicking here: https://thehill.com/opinion/white-house/439907-and-the-winner-of-the-robert-mueller-sweepstakes-is-vladimir-putin

Fight improper government surveillance. Support Attkisson v. DOJ and FBI over the government computer intrusions of Attkisson's work while she was a CBS News investigative correspondent. Visit the Attkisson Fourth Amendment Litigation Fund. Click here.

Unscientific Poll: What Should Happen to Trump?

In last week's SharylAttkisson.com poll, we asked if President Trump should be impeached, harassed but not impeached, supported, or none of those options.

An overwhelming 90% of respondents said that Trump should be supported.

Full results are below:

President Trump should be…

Impeached (2%)

Harassed but not impeached (>1%)

Supported (90%)

None of the above (7%)

I don’t know (>1%)

Don't forget to check out the most recent poll on the sharylattkisson.com homepage.

Fight improper government surveillance. Support Attkisson v. DOJ and FBI over the government computer intrusions of Attkisson's work while she was a CBS News investigative correspondent. Visit the Attkisson Fourth Amendment Litigation Fund. Click here.


Measles: Facts and Misconceptions in a Near-Hysterical Media Environment

Above image:
U.S. government-provided photo of a child with measles in the past. (No photos of patients from the 2019 record outbreak have been produced as of this publication date.)

You probably know that the U.S. has broken the record for number of measles cases in recent years. You also likely know that the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) says “high coverage” with measles, mumps, rubella (MMR) vaccine is the most effective way to limit the spread of measles.

Here are some other facts CDC released this week about the 2019 outbreak:

  • 67% of cases are in New York City and New York state.
  • All of the original sources of infection are foreign countries.
  • The most number of cases came in from the Philippines, followed by Ukraine.
  • So far, there are no reports of measles-related brain damage or death, which are very rare.

Read the CDC’s latest on the 2019 U.S. measles outbreak here.

Along with the facts, a great deal of propaganda and misreporting is stoking near-hysteria among some. 

Fact check and sourcing on 10 statements you may have heard about the 2019 U.S. measles outbreak

1. "The measles was eradicated in the U.S., but now it’s back."

False, according to CDC. 

“Eradicated” is a term CDC reserves for elimination of a disease worldwide, such as smallpox. The measles was declared “eliminated” from the U.S. in 2000.

2. “Until now, the measles hasn’t been seen in the U.S. since 2000 when CDC declared the disease ‘eliminated’." 

False, according to CDC. 

There have been measles outbreaks every year in the U.S. since CDC declared the disease “eliminated” in 2000. According to CDC, “eliminated” doesn’t mean no cases occur; it means that all cases originate from sources outside of the U.S. 

Each year, including in 2019, transmission of measles has been sourced exclusively to travelers or visitors who bring in the disease from outside of the U.S., according to CDC.

In 2018, 82 people brought measles to the U.S. from other countries. CDC states, that’s “the greated number of imported cases since measles was eliminated from the U.S. in 2000."

Also, according to CDC: many U.S. measles cases in 2014 were sourced to the Philippines.

In 2011, most of the measles cases brought into the U.S. came from France. 

3. “The U.S. measles outbreak is exclusively due to unvaccinated people.”

False, according to CDC.

Not all of the measles patients and carriers are unvaccinated people; some were fully or partly vaccinated. 

In 2019, CDC says 71% of infected patients in the U.S. were known to be unvaccinated.

Twenty-nine per cent (29%), or about one in three, were vaccinated or had unknown/unproven status.

4. “Vaccinated people don't get or spread measles.”

False, according to CDC.

CDC says measles can sometimes be spread by vaccinated children and adults. This is neither rare nor new. 

For example, in 1983 and 1984, CDC says the measles was transmitted within a U.S. school “with a documented immunization level of 100%.”

In 1984, there was a measles outbreak in a U.S. high school with a documented vaccination level of 98%. Seventy per cent (70%) of the cases were among those who had measles vaccination and were "therefore considered vaccine failures.”

Measles outbreaks in 1989 among vaccinated school-aged children in the U.S. prompted CDC to recommend a second dose of MMR (measles, mumps, rubella) vaccine for children.

Even so, a 2017 outbreak of measles among soldiers in Israel involved a primarly patient who had received three doses of measles vaccine; the eight additional patients had received at least two doses.

Outbreaks of mumps in the U.S. have also been traced to many previously-vaccinated patients. 

For example, in 2006 the CDC noted mumps outbreaks in people "with high coverage of two doses of MMR vaccine,” resulting in 6,584 cases.

In 2017, after rising incidence of mumps among vaccinated people in the U.S., the government began looking at recommending a third MMR shot for some in certain mumps outbreak situations.* 

Though it’s not uncommon for vaccinated people to get and spread a disease, experts say the risk is higher for unvaccinated people.

When asked about the spread of disease by and among vaccinated patients, CDC said the following:

Although vaccination produces lower antibody levels than natural disease, both serologic and epidemiologic evidence indicate that the vaccine [MMR measles component] induces long-term -- probably lifelong -- immunity, in most persons.

--Centers for Disease Control

*A 2016 study suggested the third dose approach was not effective. 

5. "Everyone should get their measles shot” or “Everyone should get vaccinated."

False, according to CDC.

CDC recently recommended that children should not get MMR vaccine if they have "a parent, brother, or sister with a history of immune system problems.”

There are other health factors that CDC says disqualify children from getting MMR vaccine. Manufacturer-acknowledged “contradindications” are listed beginning on page 7 here. 

Each vaccine has its own set of caveats for those who should not receive it.  

6. “There are no side effects from measles vaccine.”

False, according to CDC and the Food and Drug Administration.

Manufacturer-acknowledged adverse reactions from MMR vaccine are listed beginning on page 6 here. 

Though not mentioned on the CDC page about safety risks, the risks of MMR vaccine include brain damage (encephalopathy). They also include a “usually fatal brain disorder” when severely-compromised individuals who should not be vaccinated are mistakenly given MMR vaccine. 

All medicine has side effects, but CDC considers the risk of measles vaccine (and any approved vaccine) to be lower than the risk of the disease it purports to prevent.

Sometimes that calculus has proven to change or be incorrect. The government has sometimes removed previously-approved vaccines from the market for safety reasons. 

This happened with oral polio vaccine, which was long given to children even though it (rarely) transmitted polio, and a safer injectable version was available. CDC removed oral polio vaccine from the U.S. market in 2000. 

In 1999, the government also removed a rotavirus (diarrhea) vaccine from the U.S. market due to safety risks in children.

CDC acknowledges that vaccines that are considered safe for the general population are dangerous for a minority of children.

To date, the little-known “vaccine court” has paid more than $4 billion in vaccine injury damages. 

7. "Measles is a highly dangerous disease for many in the U.S." and “The measles (MMR) vaccine is a highly dangerous vaccine for many."

Both false, according to various experts.

While measles can be miserable and— rarely-- dangerous or deadly for the immune-suppressed or chronically ill, the disease was once treated as a routine childhood rite of passage in the U.S. and considered by scientists to be a “mild disease.”

Most people who catch measles in the U.S. will emerge with no longlasting effects and will have a lifelong immunity, according to scientists.

There has been one measles-related death in the U.S. in the past decade, according to CDC.

The death was that of a woman in Washington state who died in 2015. CDC did not have other details. News reports indicate the patient may have been vaccinated and had no obvious symptoms of measles, but was tested after she passed away. She "died of pneumonia, had other health conditions and was taking medications that suppressed her immune system," said state health officials.

There have been three measles-related deaths in the U.S. since 2000. Two of them were in patients with serious underlying health conditions prior to the measles infection, according to health officials.

One of them was a 13-year old who had recently had a bone marrow transplant for chronic granulomatous disease. According to CDC, the patient "received a bone marrow transplant in October 2002, and died in January 2003. Measles was confirmed [after death] by a positive serologic test for measles IgM and isolation of measles virus from a brain biopsy."

A second 2003 measles-related death happened to a 75 year old international traveler who was infected in Israel and got "measles pneumonitis and encephalopathy. Measles was confirmed by reverse transciptase-polymerase chain reaction from nasopharyngeal swab and urine," according to CDC.

On the other hand, there have been 483 measles vaccine injury and death claims paid by the U.S. government since 1988.*

However, the seemingly larger number of serious vaccine injuries in the U.S. in of itself doesn't imply the MMR vaccine is more dangerous than measles. That's because millions more people get the vaccine than get measles in the U.S.

Obviously, scientists say, if fewer people were to be vaccinated, there would be an increase in serious complications from measles, and there would be fewer vaccine injuries.

*Because federal vaccine court is little known and limited, the actual number of vaccine injuries is believed to be much higher than the number administered in the court, according to vaccine court officials.

8. “Everyone needs to get vaccinated or preventable, deadly diseases will make a comeback.”

Mixed verdict, according to CDC and other scientists.

CDC agrees that if fewer people vaccinate, it will lead to greater spread of infectious diseases.

However, scientists such as former director of the National Institutes of Health (NIH) Dr. Bernadine Healy, say the idea of "all vaccines" or "no vaccines" is a false choice.

They suggest there’s a middle ground that’s safer for all: learn which children are most susceptible to serious vaccine side effects, develop different vaccination recommendations for them, and safely vaccinate the rest.

Government medical experts have already identified and acknowledged several pre-existing factors that make children susceptible to vaccine injury including: family history of immune issues, mitochondrial disorder and Tuberous Sclerosis.

9. “The myth that vaccines cause autism originated with a fraudulent study in the U.K. that was debunked in 2010."

True or False, depending on which government officials and records are consulted. 

There's a well-established propaganda campaign to “close the door” on the vaccine-autism link and state “the science is settled,” by claiming the theory has a single origin that's been "debunked.”*

However, it’s false to claim that the vaccine-autism link began or ended with the referenced study.

In fact, the ongoing controversy over vaccines and autism is being fueled by U.S. government resources and experts.

Six examples outlined below:

  • The government’s own pro-vaccine world-renowned medical expert recently signed an affidavit stating that science has proven vaccines can cause autism, after all, in “exceptional” cases. He claims when he told the government, they fired him as an expert witness and misrepresented his expert opinion in court. Last fall, vaccine safety advocates filed a complaint over this alleged government misrepresentation and coverup with the Department of Justice. There’s been no public follow up.
  • The former head of NIH, Dr. Bernadine Healy, stated that the vaccine-autism link had not been “debunked,” despite claims otherwise.
  • The government agreed vaccines triggered autism in a landmark case and paid damages to the family but had the case sealed, meaning other parents wouldn't know. However, word of the case ulitmately leaked out. Much of the original national news reporting has been removed from the Internet, but there are a few surviving print articles and related videos.  
  • The government has paid numerous injury cases of children who became autistic after their vaccinations, as long as the injuries are described as “encephalopathy” (brain damage) rather than “autism."
  • The CDC head of immunization safety has acknolwedged vaccines may rarely trigger autism in susceptible children.
  • Many peer reviewed, published studies suggest a link between vaccines and autism.

*You can read both sides of the UK study scandal below:

 Vaccine study and scientist discredited

Vaccine study and scientist defended

Meantime, government scientists held out as debunking the vaccine-autism link have also been the subject of controversy.

10. "It's 'anti-vaccine' to raise or address vaccine safety issues."

False.

Plenty of pro-vaccine or neutral scientists, reporters and advocates examine vaccine safety. As a result of their legitimate investigation, many are falsely labeled “anti-vaxxers” or “anti-vaccine” by a well-funded propaganda campaign that seeks to prevent discussion of vaccine safety issues in the news, on the Internet or on social media. 

Known propagandists and outlets they use include:

  • The political smear group Media Matters and its affiliates
  • Wikipedia and Snopes
  • Blogs that often using titles with “science” or “skeptics” in them such as: “Science Based Medicine,” “Science Blogs,” “Respectful Insolence”/Orac,” “Vaxopedia,” and “LeftBrainRightBrain."
  • The LA Times/Michael Hiltzik, Mother Jones/Kevin Drum, The Atlantic/David Frum, Vanity Fair, Salon, Seth Mnookin, Forbes, Vox, Every Child by Two, Dr. Peter Hotez, and the discredited vaccine industry insider Dr. Paul Offit of Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia.

In fact, it can be argued that investigating vaccine safety issues is "pro-vaccine,” since it could prompt safety advances that would build public confidence in a robust government-backed vaccine program.

CDC government vaccine resources and related Sharyl Attkisson stories here.

Fight improper government surveillance. Support Attkisson v. DOJ and FBI over the government computer intrusions of Attkisson's work while she was a CBS News investigative correspondent. Visit the Attkisson Fourth Amendment Litigation Fund. Click here.
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